On the very day Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration released an equally ostentatious national security strategy. This fairly brief report is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the characteristically modest claim that the president has brought back "our nation – and the world – back from the brink of catastrophe and ruin."
Even though the document mostly formalizes the current policies and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be heeded as a grave warning for the world, and for Europe in particular.
The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy interference where the US clearly sets the goal of "fostering European strength." Its language seems taken directly from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to regain its civilizational self-confidence." Even more ominously, the document states that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the genuine and more stark possibility of cultural extinction."
The whole section dedicated to Europe is steeped in generations of European right-wing dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and creating strife, censorship of free speech and suppression of political opposition, plummeting birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-belief." Per the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether some European countries will have economic power and armed forces strong enough to remain reliable allies." In fact, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, some NATO members will become majority non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and proud commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."
These arguments carry powerful overtones of two theories seen as core for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to attack the "perversion" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute rebellious "native" populations and bring in a more submissive and reliant electorate.
It is the nativist fever dream contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it identifies its allies: "America urges its ideological partners in Europe to promote this revival of spirit, and the growing influence of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."
Put simply, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole political force that can accomplish this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "building up the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "aligned countries that want to restore their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.
While the document remains vague on methods, it is apparent that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an adversary either.
In a broader sense, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
None of this is necessarily new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the situation is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or vague for them, it can be summarised in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to act appropriately.